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GEORGE LAW MD CHAUNCEY SHAFFER'S 

REASONS FOR 

REPUDIAIING FILLMORE AND DONELSON, 

id the Action of the Know-N'othing State Convention at Syracuse on the 
Resolutions censuring JS?'Ooks^s Assault on Senator Sumner^ c&c. 



PEECH OF HON. E. B. MOEGAN, OF N. Y., 

IN TJ. fl. HOUSE OF EKPBE8BNTATIVE8, AUG. 4, 1856. 



"hk House being in Committee of the Whole 
the state of the Union, Mr. Morgan said : 
[r. Chaieman: I propose to ask the at- 
tion of the House and of the country, to the 
bable consequences of the success of one of 

candidates of the Presidency, who is a 
zen of my own State, Hon. Millard Fill- 
re. 

'o exhibit them ftdly, it will be necessary 
jxamine his antecedents, his personal rela- 
is to men and parties, the platform upon 
ich he has consented to stand, the influen- 

which prevailed in his nomination, the 
W9 and objects of those who support him, 
^ the principles which must control him, if 
is elected. 

fy sole object in referring to his personal 
ecedents and relations, is to throw light 
>n his probable line of policy, should he be 
rated to the Presidential chair. I enter 
)n that branch of the discussion with sin- 
e reluctance, and only because it is essential 
\ fuU elucidation of the subject. 

Mr. Fillmore't Political History. 

n 1829, Mr. Fillmore made his first entrance 

public life, having been in that year elected 

the New York Assembly, as an Anti-Mason. 

was once or twice, re-elected to the New 



York Assembly as an Anti-Mason, and in 1882 
was elected as such a member of this House. 
In the same year he voted for Mr. "Wirt, the 
Anti-Masonic candidate for the Presidency. 

He was afterwards a member of this House 
for a period of six years, commencing March 
4, 1837, during which time he was attached to 
the Whig party. During this, his second pe- 
riod of service in Congress, the slavery agita- 
tion arose and was continued in the country, 
and the records, often quoted, and to which I 
shall now only briefly refer, show that Mr. 
Fillmore voted with persistent firmness on the 
side of freedom, and in company with such 
men as John Q. Adams, Joshua R. Giddings 
and Mr. Slade, of Vermont. 

On the 21st day of December, 1887, Mr. 
Patton, of Virginia, oflTered the following res- 
olution : 

^^JSesolved, That all petitions, memorials, 
and papers, touching the abolition of slavery, 
or the buying, selling, or transferring of slaves, 
in any State, District, or Territory of the 
United States, be laid on the table, without 
being debated, printed, read, or referred, and 
that no further action whatever shall be had 
thereon." 

The resolution was adopted — yefis 122, nays 
74 ; Mr. Fillmore voting in the negative. 



r* Fob Sale at the Office of the New York Tribune. Price, per Dozen Copies 20c: 

PEE HUNDBBD, $1 25 ; PEE THOUSAND, $10. 



8 



On the 11th *f December, 1838, Mr. Ather- 
ton oftered his celebrated resolutions in refer- 
ence to Abolition petitioners, known in the 
politics of that time as "Atherton'sgag." Mr. 
Fillmore voted against their introduction and 
against their adoption. 

On the loth of December of the same year, 
Mr. W:«f>, of Yirginia, offered a series of reso- 
lutions declaring against the abolition of sla- 
very in tlie District of Columbia, the abolition 
of the inter-State slave trade, and the recep- 
tion of Abolition petitions — affirming that the 
laws of Congress alone govern in the prescrip- 
tion of the mode of recovery of fugitive slaves ; 
that Congress has no power to impose the 
abolition of .slavery upon a State as a condi- 
tion of its admission into the Union ; that the 
citizens of a slave State have a right to take 
their slaves through a free State; that the 
General Government is constitutionally bound 
to protect them in such right; that the lajvs 
of the non-slaveholding States in conflict with 
such right were null and void. The motion 
to suspend the rules for the introduction of 
these resolutions was lost — Mr. Fillmore voting 
adverse to the motion to suspend the rules, and 
against the South, and in company with Adams 
and Giddings. 

On the same day, Mr. Slade of Vermont, 
moved resolutions against the slave trade 
between the District of Columbia and the 
States ; against the same trade between the 
States? and in favor of receiving, debating, 
printing, and referring Abolition petitions. 
On the motion to suspend the rules for the pur- 
pose of introducing these resolutions, which 
was lost, Mr. Fillmore again voted against the 
South, in favor of suspending the rules, and in 
company with Adams and Giddings. On the 
31st of December, 1839, Mr. Coles moved to 
suspend the rules, for the purpose of moving 
a resolution against the reception of Abolition 
petitions ; which motion was lost ; Mr. Fill- 
more voting against a suspension of the rules, 
and in company with Adams and Gid- 
dings. 

On the 28t]i of January, 1840, the famous 
21st rule was adopted, which precluded the 
reception or entertainment in any way of an 
abolition petition. On adopting this rule, Mr. 
Fillmore again voted against the South, in the 
negative. 

On the 9th of December, 1840, Mr. Adams, 
of Massachusetts, moved a repeal of this last 
rule. Mr. Jenifer, of Maryland, moved to lay 
the motion on the table ; which was carried ; 
Mr. Fillmore voting in the negative, against 
the South. 

On the 21st of January, 1841, Mr. Adams 
presented an abolition petition. Mr. Connor 
moved to lay a part of it, not embraced within 
the effect of the 21st rule, on tlie table. On 
the votes taken in reference to this petition, 



Mr. Fillmore's name is round with those ot 
Adams and Giddings, and against the South. 

On the 21st of January, 1842, Mr. Adams 
presented an abolition petition, praying the 
naturalization of free-negro foreigners, and 
that they be allowed to hold real estate. Mr. 
Wise moved to lay its reception on the table; 
wliich motion was carried. Mr. Fillmore 
again voted against the South, in the nega- 
tive. 

On the 12th of December, 1842, Mr. Adams 
called up his motion to rescind tiie 21st riUe, 
Mr. Johnson, of Maryland, moved to lay it on 
the table ; which motion was carried ; Mr. 
Fillmore again voting against the South, in 
the negative. 

On the 8d of January, 1843, Mr. Morgan 
moved a resolution instructing tlie Committee 
on Territories to bring in a bill repealing a 
certain act of the territorial legislature of Flo- 
rida, preventing the immigration of free ne- 
groes into that Territory. Mr. Black moved 
to lay the resolution on the table; which was 
carried ; Mr. Fillmore again voting against the 
South, in the negative. 

These notes, covering every year of his 
Congressional service after the slavery agita- 
tion commenced, and with which all his votes 
harmonize, show plainly enough where Mr 
Fillmore stood at that time. 

In 1838, he wrote the following letter : 

"Buffalo, Oct. 17, 1838. 

" Sir: Your communication of the 15th inst., 
as chairman of a committee appointed by the 
' Anti-Slavery Society of the County ef Erie,' 
has just come to hand. You solicit my an- 
swers to the following interrogatories : 

'■'■First. Do you believe that petitions to 
Congress on the subject of slavery or on the 
slave trade ought to be received, read, and re- 
spectfully considered by the Eepresentatives 
of the people. 

" Second. Are you opposed to the annexa- 
tion of Texas to the Union, under any cir- 
cumstances, 80 long as slaves are held therein ? 

" Third. Are you in favor of Congress 
exerting all the constitutional power it pos- 
sesses to abolish the internal slave trade bet- 
ween the States? 

'^'^ Fourth. Are you in favor of immediate 
legislation for the abolition of slavery in the 
District of Columbia ? 

" I am much engaged, and have no time to 
enter into an argument, or to explain at lengtli 
my reasons for my opinion. I shall therefore 
content myself for the present by answering 
all your interrogatories in the affirmative, and 
leave for some future occasion a more extend- 
ed discussion of the subject. 

" I am, respectfully, your ob't servant, 

"Millard Billmobb." 

W. Mills, Esq., Chairman. ,' 



In 1847, as a candidate for tlie Ooniptrol- 
lership, he was the head of the New York 
State Wliig ticket, whicli was run upon a plat- 
form, which proclaims "since the crisis has 
arrived when the question must bo met, un- 
compromising hostility to the extension of 
slavery into any territory now free, or which 
may hereafter be acquired by any action of 
the government of our Union." 

In IS-tS, we find him instigating lion. N. 
K. Ilall, his law partner and special political 
friend, afterwards his Postmaster-General, to 
move a resolution here, which has more prac- 
tical abolitionism in it than any proposition 
cver agitated in Congress. The resolution I 
am about to read, was prepared by Mr. Hall 
in concert with Mr. Fillmore, and was fully 
approved by Mr. Fillmoi-e. 

[Congressional Globe, Volume 18, p. 890.] 

On the 28th of February, 1818, Hon. N. K. 
Hall, of New York, otFered the following reso- 
lution in the House : 

'•''Resolved. That the Committee on the 
Judiciary be, and they are hereby, directed to 
report to tiiis House, with all 'convenient 
speed, a bill repealing all laws of Congress, 
and abrogating, so far as they are operative or 
in force in the District of Columbia, aU laws 
of the State of Maryland which authorize or 
require the courts, officers, or magistrates of 
the United States, or of the said District, 
within the District of Columbia, to issue pro- 
cess for arrest, or commit to the jail of the 
said I)istrict, any runaways or other slave or 
fugitive from service, or colored person claim- 
ed as such, except on due complaint and proof 
of, or on a conviction for, some crime or mis- 
demeanor, the commission of which by any 
free wliite person would authorize in the same 
manner the arrest, commitment, and detention 
of such white person in like manner charged 
with or convicted thereof." 

This resolution is preceded by an elaborate 
preamble, in which, among other things, it is 
declared that the use of the jails in the Dis- 
trict of Columbia for the detention of fugitive 
slaves, is '■^repugnant to thf feelings of a large 
majority of the people of the United Statesy 

In 18i8, Mr. Fillmore was nominated and 
elected Vice-President on the same ticket 
with Gen. Taylor. The suggestion that lie 
Miii,ht receive this nomination, was a matter 
of consideration and discussion for some time 
before it was made, by Mr. Fillmore and his 
friends. As a question of personal interest, 
Mr. Fillmore hesitated and wavered in decid- 
ing whether to solicit this nomination, or to 
feservc himself as a candidate for the United 
States Senatorship. On one point, his mind 
was made 'ip from first to last. He would 
not accept "t? Yice-Presidendal nomination, 



if Mr. Clay *as designated for the Presidency. 
He had early adopted the opinion that Mr. 
Clay was unpopular and unavailable. So 
thinking, he got up and managed a caucus of 
the New York members of Congress in 1839, 
at which a letter was agreed upon and signed, 
Mr. Mitchell only dissenting, advising the 
New York delegation in the Harrisburg Con- 
vention, to bring out Gen. Harrison, and not 
Mr. Clay, for the campaign of 1840. He re- 
tained the same opinion of Mr. Clay's unavail- 
ability in 1848, which was increased by his 
apprehensions that Mr. Clay's declarations in 
the meantime in reference to the slavery ques- 
tion, would make him fatally obnoxious to the 
free sentiment of the North. Mr. Fillmore 
doubted whether it would be possible to sup- 
port even Gen. Taylor at the North, in conse- 
quence of the prevalence and warmth of these 
sentiments. His final conclusion, communi- 
cated at the last moment to his friends leaviug 
for the Philadelphia Convention, was, abso- 
lutely to refuse the use of his name if Mr. 
Clay was nominated for the Presidency, and 
that he did not desire his name to be used, if 
the nomination fell upon Gen. Taylor. 

In fact, he was nominated upon the ticket 
with General Taylor, and it is ordy necessary to 
observe that this was so done, for the sole pur- 
pose of conciliating anti-slavery support to 
the ticket. Mr. FiUmore was known through- 
out the country, as a decided anti-slavery 
man, and it was hoped and believed that his 
name would reconcile Northern voters to the 
support of General Taylor, and so the event 
proved. 

The original draft of Mr. Fillmore's letter, 
accepting the nomination for the Vice-Presi- 
dency, was submitted to his friends, and un- 
der their advice, was not published, until cer- 
tain extreme anti-slavery sentiments were 
stricken out, which, in their judgment, would 
have been fatal to the Whig party at the South. 

After his elevation to the Vice-Presidency, 
Mr. FiUmore took a new departure in poli- 
tics, and I propose to point out some of the cir- 
cumstances which preceded and attended it. 

In the year 1839, Mr. Seward being Gov- 
eraor of New York, a biU was passed by the 
Legislature of that State, creating the office 
of Vice-chancellor for Western New York. 
This office was given by Gov. Seward to 
Frederick Whittelsey of Eochester, the bill 
creating it having passed the Legislature with 
the general understanding that that appoint- 
ment would be made under it. Before the 
final completion of these proceedings, Mr. 
Fillmore, then at Washington, wrote a letter 
to a distinguished gentleman at Albany, ex- 
pressing his own wish for this appointment, 
if it could be given to him consistently with 
the arrangements of the Whig party. In re- 
ply, Mr. Weed apprised him of the circxira 



stances attending the creation of the office. 
Mr. Filhnore, however, never forgave Gov. 
Seward for his failure to gratify him in this 
matter. 

In reference to some of the appointments 
made by Geuerjil Taylor for the State of New 
York, opposing recommendations were made 
by Gov. Seward and Mr. Fillmore. The lat- 
ter gentleman complained, although really 
without cause, that he did not have that 
weight with General Taylor to which he was 
entitled. In the end, a coolness grew up be- 
tween Gen. Taylor and Mr. Fillmore, which 
carried Mr. Fillmore by insensible degrees 
into the camp of their common enemies. Be- 
coming more and more estranged from General 
Taylor, he joined himself to the opposition 
raised by the South and by the democratic 
party to General Taylor's territorial policy, 
and at length became a prominent and con- 
spicuous member of the coterie of Union sa- 
vers. Nor did he fail to take an early advan- 
tage of his new political connections, to grati- 
fy the views in respect to the distribution of 
office, disappointment in which was the sole 
cause of his opposition to the soldier and pa- 
triot then administering the government. 

In a speech delivered in California in the 
fall of 1854, Mr. Foote of Mississippi lets us 
into some of these secret movements. After 
recapitulating the points of one of his speeches 
in the United States Senate, in which he had 
denounced the free-soil movements and nomi- 
nations to office of General Taylor, Mr. Foote 
says : — 

" I had not long taken my seat before Mr. 
Badger of North Carolina, one of the purest and 
most patriotic men that ever occupied a place 
in the national council, came to me and stated 
that Vice-President Fillmore, the then presid- 
ing officer of the Senate, had requested him 
to make known to me that he perfectly con- 
curred in the views which I had just express- 
ed, and that lie would be pleased to have an 
interview with me on the subject in the official 
rooms of the Capitol, at the hour of nine 
o'clock on the next morning. I promised to 
attend upon him at the time and place speci- 
fied. I did so. 

" Without going into particulars at present, 
it is sufficient for me to say that I obtained by 
the direction of Mr. Fillmore from the hands 
of an accredited friend of his, a list of the 
nominees subject to the objection of being 
agitators on the question of slavery. This 
whole catalogue of worthies was disposed of hi 
the Senate, in other words they were sacrificed 
to the peace of the country ; save one or two, 
whose nominations remained to be acted upon 
on the last night of the session of Congre-;s. 
They were disposed of by Mr. Fillmore him- 
telf oii the same night; for just before the 



clock struck twelve, this gentlemaa, being 
then President, sent in a special message, 
withdrawing all the offensive nominations, 
and substituting others in their stead." 

From this period, Mr. Fillmore was against 
his old friends and his old principles. As 
President he acted with the South and wiib 
the Democrats. Whig members of Congress 
had no access to him, and no influence with 
him. It was at the end of his administration 
that honest John Davis of Massachusetts, with 
bowed head and desponding heart, made the 
memorable declaration that '■'■slavery rules 
everything^ A distinguished member of this 
House from Maine, Mr. Washburn, has in- 
formed the public that Mr. Davis said to him, 
that he felt himself as much a stranger in the 
White House after the accession of Mr. Fill- 
more, as he did during the administration of 
Mr. Polk. What was true of Mr. Davis, the 
tried and trusted leader of the Whigs of Mas- 
sachusetts, was true of all the Wliigs of the 
North who held fast to old principles. Mr, 
Fillmore received his reward in the unani- 
mous support of the South in the Whig con- 
vention of 1852. But between himself and 
the true Whigs of the North, he had, with 
his own hands, erected an impassable wall of 
separation. 

No personal disappointments could justify 
Mr. Fillmore in forming his new alliances 
against Gen. Taylor, but in truth, nothing had 
occurred of which he had the least right to 
complain. Gen. Taylor was a just, uprigiit and 
sagacious man. Instead of finding Mr. Fill- 
more an impartial counsellor, taking a broad 
view of things, he found him intent at all 
times on advancing his peculiar, personal in 
terests. At the first interview between them 
in Washington, Mr. Fillmore demanded that 
his partner, Mr. Hall, should be appointed 
Governor of Minnesota, and that Mr. Foote, 
the editor of his paper, the BuflTalo Commer- 
cial Advertiser, should be appointed Minister 
at Constantinople. Gen. Taylor could not but 
see, and he did see, that Mr. Fillmore was a 
mere office broker, for hid particular friends, 
instead of being a reliable adviser for the ge- 
neral good of a common party. Again, at 
Erie, when Gen. Taylor was lying there sick, 
and so sick, that, to use his own expression, he 
" could not tell night from day,'''' Mr. Fillmore 
came up from Buffalo, not to minister to him, 
not to comfort him, but to extort a promise 
from him, the performance of which he after- 
wards exacted, that his friend, Mr. Stuart, 
should be appointed Architect of public build- 
ings. Gen. Taylor noted these and similar 
things, and often, before his death, spoke of 
them with grief and indignation. 

I know that there are many Whigs at the 
North, who still hold In good faith to the old 



principles of the "Whig party of the North, 
who incline to support Mr, Fillmore. Let 
me warn snch men, that the rancor of a rene- 
gade always surpasses the hostility of an ori- 
ginal enemy, and that we have more to hope, 
(I speak now as an original Whig,) from Mr. 
Buchanan, than from Mr. Fillmore, who hates 
his old associates and his old principles, from 
the consciousness, which he cannot escape, 
that he has been false to both. Implacable 
enmity to all the true men of the North, and 
thorough devotion to the politicians of the 
South ; these make up the personal relations, 
never again to be changed, of Mr. rUlmore. 

The American Party Platform. 

The present platform of the American party, 
adopted in February last, and upon which 
Mr. Fillmore now stands, is precisely the 
same as the Cincinnati platform, so far as the 
Kansas-Nebraska policy is concerned. This 
is clear from its language, and equally so from 
its history. 

The first platform of the American party, 
adopted in June, 1855, contained the celebrated 
'■'• Twelfth section^'''' now expunged, and which 
was as follows: 

"XII. The American party having arisen 
Tipon the ruins, and in spite of the opposition, 
of the Whig and Democratic parties, cannot 
be in any manner responsible for the obnoxious 
acts or violated pledges of either. And the 
systematic agitation of the slavery question 
by those parties having elevated sectional hos- 
tility into a positive element of political pow- 
er, and brought our institutions into peril, it 
has, therefore, become the imperative duty of 
the American party to interpose for the pur- 
pose of giving peace to the country and per- 
petuity to the Union, And, as experience 
has shown it impossible to reconcile opinions 
80 extreme as those which separate the dispu- 
tants, and as there can be no dishonor in sub- 
mitting to the laws, the National Council has 
deemed it the best guarantee of common jus- 
tice and of future peace, to abide by and 
maintain the existing laws upon the subject 
of slavery as a final and conclusive settlement 
of that subject, in spirit and in substance. 

"And regarding it the highest duty to avow 
their opinions upon a subject so important in 
distinet and unequivocal terms, it is hereby 
declared, as the sense of this National Coun- 
cil, that Congress possesses no power under 
the Constitution to legislate upon the subject 
of slavery in the States whero it does or may 
exist, or to exclude any State from admission 
into the Union because its Constitution does 
or does not recognize the institution of slavery 
as a fart of its social system; and expressly 
pretcr -nitting any expression of opinion upon 



the power of Congress to establish or proW 
bit slavery in any Territory, it is the sense oi 
the National Council that Congress ought not 
to legislate upon the subject of slavery within 
the Territories of the United States, and that 
any interference by Congress with slavery as 
it exists in the District of Coltmibia would be 
a violation of the spirit and intention of the 
compact by which the State of Marylaud ceded 
the District to the United States, and a breach 
of the national faith." 

Here was no approval of the repeal of the 
Missouri Compromise. On the contrary, the 
reference to "obnoxious acts" and "violated 
pledges," was intended, either to condemn it, 
or to carry the appearance of condemning it. 
But in respect to all present and future action, 
which is its only practical aspect, this section 
sustains the Nebraska act as a thing settled 
and not to be disturbed. 

This twelfth section ofl:ended the great body 
of the northern Americans, and at a separate 
convention holden at Cincinnati in the fall of 
1855, in which this northern wing was largely 
represented, the following resolution was 
adopted : 

"That the repeal of the Missouri Compro- 
mise was an infraction of the plighted faith 
of the nation, and that it should be restored; 
and if efforts to that end should fail, Congress 
should refuse to admit into the Union any 
State tolerating slavery, which shall be formed 
out of any portion of the Territory from 
which that institution was excluded by that 
compromise." 

This was the most moderate form to which 
the demands of the northern Americans could 
then be reduced. 

In February last, the party met again in 
national convention, and having set aside the 
platform of June, 1855, adopted a new one, 
of which the two following are the only 
clauses which relate to the Nebraska contro- 
versy : 

'■^Seventh. The recognition :f the right of 
the native-born and naturalized citizens af 
the United States permanently residing in 
any Territory thereof, to frame their consti- 
tution and laws, and to regulate their domes- 
tic and social affairs in their own mode, sub- 
ject only to the provisions of the Federal 
Constitution, with the right of admission into 
the Union whenever they have the requisite 
population for one Representative in Con- 
gress." 

" Thirteenth. Opposition to the reckless and 
unwise policy of the present Administration, 
in the general management of our national 
affairs, and mor«i' especially as ^hown in 



6 



removing Araericans' (by designation) and 
conservatives in principle from office, and 
placing foreigners and nltraists in their places; 
as shown iu a truckling subserviency to the 
stronger, and an insolent and cowardly bra- 
vado towards the weaker powers; as shown 
in reojieniiig sectional agitation, by the repeal 
of the Missouri compromise," &c. 

As to the past, this new platform differs 
from the old platform, inasmuch as it ex- 
pressly condemns the repeal of the Missouri 
Compromise, whereas the old one does so 
only by inference and construction, if it does 
so at all. 

As to the present and future, the two plat- 
forms are identical, both upholding the Ne- 
braska jiolicy of Judge Douglass, and both 
repudiating Ccnigressioual control over the 
Teri'itories, under pretence of giving to the 
citizens thei'eof the right to govern them- 
selves. 

Practically, it is of no moment, what indi- 
viduals, or parties, think of the repeal of the 
Missouri Comj)romise. The important ques- 
tion is, wliat shall now be done? Shall the 
Douglass swindle be acquiesced in, or shall 
the Cumpntmi.se be restored, in letter or sub- 
stance? 15ut while this is the only practical 
question, I must take occasion to say that I 
find it easier to respect those who sustain the 
Douglass policy, as right in principle, than 
those who condemn it, and at the same time 
sustain it. 

The Northern members of the February 
Convention, saw at once that this new jtlat- 
form was as complete a repudiation of tlicir 
views as the old one. 

A resolution was offered by one of them 
that "^re will nominate no candidate for Pre- 
sident or Vice President, who is not in favor 
of interdicting the introdi.iction of slavery 
north of 36° 30'." 

A motion was made to lay this resolution 
on the table, and it was carried — yeas 141, 
nays 59. 

Tiie resolution to proceed to a ballot having 
passed, the Convention was about to do so, 
when ^Ir. Perkins of Connecticut, announced 
the secession from the Convention of the del- 
egates of that State, which was followed by 
Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Ohio, and por- 
tions of the delegates of Illinois, Iowa, and 
Pennsylvania. 

These seceding members put forth an ad- 
dress to tlio public, of which the following is 
the material i>ortit)n : 

'' Tlia uudersigned, delegates to the Nomi- 
nating Convention now in session at Philadel- 
phia, tind themselves compelled to dissent 
from tlie principles avowed by that body ; and 
liolding the opinion, as they do, that the resto- 
ration of the Missouri Compromise demanded 



by a majority of the whole people, is a re- 
dress of an undeniable wrong, and the rest6- 
ration of it, iu spirit at least, indispensable to 
the repose of the country, they have regarded 
the refusal of that Convention to recognize the 
well defined opinion of the country, and of 
the Americans of the free States, upon this 
question, as a denial of their rights, and a re- 
buke to their sentiments. 

Many Northern members having left the 
Convention upon these grounds, Mr. Fillmore 
obtained the nomination, receiving tlie South- 
ern votes, with the exception of a few given 
to Garret Davis, ©f Ky., and General Houston. 
14 of the 15 delegates from Virginia voted for 
Mr. Fillmore, and so did unanimously the del- 
egations from Maryland, Delaware, North Ca- 
rolina, Missouri, Alabama, Arkansas, Florida, 
and Mississippi, And thus the Soutli obtain- 
ed the platform it wanted, and the man of its 
choice. 

This thing was and is understood by the 
Southern members of that Convention, precise- 
ly as it wjis by the Northern members. The 
South came off the substantial winner, al- 
though, for theatrical effect, it was tliought 
best to shed a few tears over the departed 
" twelfth sectiony 

Mr. Zollicoffer, a member of this Hoiise, 
from Tennessee, was a member of tliat Con- 
vention, and he has told us hero, exactly what 
the true scope of the new platform is. I will 
quote from his reported speech. 

In the House on the 3rd of April, 1856, 
[Appendix to Cong. Globe, 1st session, 34th 
Cong, page 355,] 

Mr. Zollicoffer said : 

" My colleague makes the point against me, 
that the thirteenth section embraces a specifi- 
cation against the Administration, for ' re- 
opening sectional agitation by a repeal of the 
Missouri Compromise.' I will inform my col- 
league that I proposed to strike out that spe- 
cification, and every specificationin the thir- 
teenth section ; but there being much disorder 
at the time, I failed to succeed. * =»= * The 
question was subsequently about being put in 
the American council, — shall the new platform 
be adopted in lieu of the old ? when some 
member proposed a division of the question, 
which was iigreed to, and the vote was first 
taken upon striking out the old jilatform, I 
voted against striking out, but the proposition 
was carried. Then the question recurred upon 
adoption of the ncic platform. I voted for its 
adoption. I did it just as I voted for the Kan- 
sas-Nebraska bill in 1854, with some minor 
objections, which I stated at the time. * * * 
But to make the most of that specification in 
the platform, it is but an expression of oi)in- 
ion as to a Vygone ism, while the seventh sec- 
tion of the platform lays down a vit.'^l prin- 



dple of action for the present and the future, 
covering the whole ground, and REASSERT- 
ING THE LEADING PRINCIPLE EMBOD- 
IED BOTH IN THE OLD TWELFTH SEC- 
TION AND IN THE NEBRASKA ACT." 

Thus it is clear, that the American platform, 
for all suhstantial purposes, is identical with 
the Cincinnati platform. 

To the same effect, another Fillmore mem- 
ber of this House, Hon. Charles Ready of Ten- 
nessee, in a recent letter to his constituents, 



" It is true, Mr. Fillmore was opposed to 
the repeal of the Missouri restriction ; and 
some, it may be many, of his supporters, were 
also opposed to it. Therein, there was a dif- 
ference of opinion between us. 

" But all those things are past. We must 
now look to the future. Will there, in tlie 
future, be an issue between us ? Is Mr. Fill- 
more now, and will he hereafter be, in favor 
of r^toring the Missouri restriction ? He is 
known to be opposed to alt agitation on the 
subject of slavery, axd to stand by the kxist- 
ING LAWS. Then, there is no practical issue 
between us upon this point, nor is there be- 
tween him and Mr. Buchanan. He also holdtj 
to the right of the Territory to admission into 
tlie Union, with a constitution prohibiting or 
establishing Slavery, as the people may there- 
in provide. In this, we also agree with each 
other, and with Mr. Buchanan, Surely, then, 
I can support him without any inconsistency 
or change of political opinion." 



Mr. Fillmore'a Position. 

Mr. Fillmore talks, just as his platform 
reads. Following that lead, he condemns the 
repeal of the Missouri Compromise, and he 
Bays that he was opposed to it when it was 
done. I believe this to be au after thought. 
Not one word, not one line, was given to the 
public by Mr. Fillmore in 1854-, against the 
repeal of the Missouri Compromise. He was 
then making a tour through the South, deliver- 
ing speeches, and whining about the "Union," 
just as he is now. Not a lisp did he utter 
against the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, 
until the cue was given him in this platform. 
Following the same cue, he avoids saying any 
thing about restoring the Compromise. 

Not only does Mr. Fillmore thus adopt a 
platform, in no respect better than the one 
which is sinking Mr. Buchanan, beyond flie 
reach of the plummet, but he himself super- 
adds to it, nullificiition, disunion and tre:\son. 
This is strong language, but it is borne out by 
the truth. Mr. Fillmore docs not merely pre- 
dict disunion, but he incites and approves it. 
Uo does not merely say that the South will 



dissolve the TJnion if CdI. Fremont is dected, 
but that they ought to dissolve it, and would 
be doing no more than the North would do 
under similar circumstances. 

At Albany, June the 26th, Mr. Filbnore 
said : — 

" We see a political party presenting caudi 
dates for the Presidency and Vice Presidency, 
selected for the tirst time from the ire^ States 
alone, with the avowed purpose of electing 
these candidates by suffrages of one part of 
the Union only, to rule over the whole United 
States. Can it be possible that those who are 
engiiged in such a measure can have seriously 
reflected upon the consequences which must 
inevitably follow, in case of success? [Cheers.] 
Can they have the madness or the folly to be- 
lieve that our southern brethren would sub- 
mit to be governed by such a Chief Magis- 
trate? [Cheers.] Suppose that the South 
having a majority of the electoral votes, 
should declare tliat they would only have 
slave-holders for President and Vice President; 
and should elect such by tlieir exclusive suf- 
frages to rule over us at the North ; do you 
think we would submit to it? No, not for a 
moment. [Applause.] And do you believe 
that your southern brethren are less sensitive 
on this subject than you arc, or less jealous of 
their rights V 

Certainly, Mr. Fillmore advances rapidly. 
In 1848, an abolitionist; in 1850, a Union 
man; in 1856, a NuUifier. What next? 

Who will support and control Ifr. Fillmore ? 

By no possibility can Mr Fillmore get a 
northern vote in the electoral colleges. In all 
probability, he can get none anywhere. If, 
however, the election is accidentally thrown 
into this House, not a solitary northern State is 
in his favor, as represented here. In any wise, 
his whole strength is at the South. His party 
is there. The control of it lies there. The 
northern Americans are mere bobs to a south- 
ern kite, just as the northern Democrats are. 
The only (piestion between tlie ]')nchanan and 
Filbnore parties is, which of two parties, both 
intensely and exclusively southern, shall vault 
into power. 

Now, I assert here, that the thirty Fillmore 
members of tliis House from the Sor.th, are 
even more rapidly aiul furiously pi'o-slavery 
thnu the Democrats from the South are. They 
united in the attemi)t to make Governor Aiken, 
with his fifteen hundred slaves, Speaker. They 
resisted, to a man, the investigation into the 
Kansas outrages, and to a m;m, they resist 
every measure of redress. To a man, they 
voted against the restoration of the ilissouri 
compromise, as provided m }ilf. Dunn's bill. 



% 



To a man, they voted to keep General Whit- 
field, the hogus Delegate from Kansas, in hi; 
Beat. On everything, bearing directly or in- 
directly upon slavery, they vote to a man. 
They did 80 on the contested seat between 
Messrs. Allen and Archer, of Illinois. 

They threaten disunion if the Missouri re- 
striction is restored. On the 20th of last 
December, (Appendix to Congressional Globe, 
page 30,) Mr. Cox, of Kentucky, said : — ■ 

"When you tell me that you intend to put 
a restriction on the Territories, I say to you, 
that upon that subject the South is a unit, and 
will not submit to any such thing." 

On the 19th of last December, (Appendix 
to Congressional Globe, page 56,) Mr. Camp- 
bell, of Kentucky said : — 

" It is an interference with our institutions 
when our citizens are denied the same rights 
in the new territories with the citizens from 
the North, for that territory belongs to us as 
much as it does to you. * * * * 

" Whenever this Government makes a dis- 
tinction between a southern and northern con- 
stituency or citizenship, then w« shall no 
longer consider ourselves bound to support the 
Confederacy, but will resort to the right of 
revolution, wliich is recognized by all." 

The, following is one of the resolutions of 
the last American State convention in Ala- 
bama: — 

" Eeaoh«d, That in view of the increased 
dangers that threaten the institutions of the 
South, this convention deems it necessary to, 
and does hereby, reindorse and adopt the fol- 
lowing resolution, known as the Georgia 
platform, to wit : That the State of Alabama, 
in the judgment of this convention, will and 
ought to resist, (as a last resort,) to a disrup- 
tion of every tie which binds her to the Union, 
any action of Congress upon the subject of 
slavery in tlie District of Columbia, or in 
places subject to the jurisdiction of Congress, 
incompatible with the safety, the domestic 
tranquillity, the rights and honor of the slave- 
holding States; or any act suppressing the 
slave trade between the slavcholding States; 
or any refusal to admit as a State any terri- 
tory applying, because of the existence of sla- 
very therein ; or any act prohibiting the intro- 
duction of slaves into the territories ; or any 
act repealing, or materially modifying, the 
laws now in force for the recovery of fugitive 
daves." 

It is useleM to multiply quotations further. 
The whole thiug is stated with exactness and 
truth in a letter addrosoed, on the 2d inst., to 
eitiMDjs of NttW Jersey, by a member of this ^ 



'House, [Mr. Watkins, of TeLJiessee,] himsell 
elected as an American to his seat here : — 

" Taking the record of this Congress in the 
various tests that have been applied and the 
relative position and votes of the three par- 
ties, I am forced to the conclusion, by every 
principle of reason, policy, and philosophy, 
that the South Americans must and will, 
ultimately unite with the Democratic party, 
and those who claim to be Americans North 
with the republican party." 

And again, in the same letter, Mr. Watkins 
says : — 

"The interests, sympathies, and legitimate 
and proper identity of the South Americans 
are with the national democratic party of the 
country." 

Undoubtedly this is so, and to sincere men, 
holding sincere opinions upon the great ques^- 
tion of slavery extension, it must be apparent, 
that as affecting the result, the election 5f Mr. 
Fillmore will be precisely the same as the 
election of Mr. Buchanan. They are both 
southern candidates, having their strength 
at the South, and certain to be controlled 
by the South, if elected, I am aware^ as I 
have said once before, that many persons at 
the North, honestly opposed to the extension 
of slavery, are still inclined to Mr. Fillmore, 
from a misapprehension of his true position. 
To such men I have particularly designed to 
address myself. Can they believe, upon a 
fair review of the whole case, that freedom 
has anything to hope from the success of Mr. 
FUlmore ? 

We are upon the eve, sir, of important 
political movements, and I intend to speak 
plainly. It is fast becoming apparent that 
Mr. Fillmore has no effective strength and 
can carry no single State. His friends still 
cling to Maryland as a forlorn hope, but they 
must soon abandon even that State. If Mr. 
Fillmore is not formaUy withdrawn, he will 
be substantially dropped. The bulk of his 
present supporters at the North will, in that 
event, rally under the broad banner of Fre- 
mont and Freedom. Not so, I fear, with Mr, 
Fillmore himself and his immediate advisers. 
It is my most deliberate judgment that they 
prefer Mr. Buchanan to Col. Fremont, and 
that they will keep Mr. Fillmore in the field, 
or withdraw him, just as may be thought best 
for the interests of the democratic party. In 
my opinion, there is not in all the Northern 
States a man more completely and irretrieva- 
bly wedded to the South, by his sympathies 
on the one hand and his hatreds on the other, 
than Mr. Fillmore. Since 1850, he has been 
with the South and with the democratic party, 
and he will never retam to the friends whc«i» 



he has betrayed. They expect nothing from 
him bat implacable hostility to the last. 

Bat to the great body of his present sap- 
porters at the North, I appeal with confidence. 
Come over to yoar natural allies. Unite the 
North and thereby tranquilize the Union. In 
the presence of an united and irresistible 
North, the madness of Southern nullification 
would be arrested. Men of all parties of 
the South are rushing to the support of Mr. 
Buchanan, as the pledged representative of 
Southern sectional interests. Has freedom 
less power than slavery, to produce concert, 
and arouse sympathies ? 

The support of Mr. Fillmore at the South, 
at this moment, is a mere sham to keep alive 
a Fillmore party at the North, so as to defeat 
the election of Col. Fremont. Will the intel- 
ligent people of the North be longer deceived? 

Mr. Fillmore has delivered many speeches 
since his return from Europe, but in not one 
of them has he expressed either sympathy for 
the down-trodden people of Kansas, or indig- 
nation against those who have oppressed them. 
He has proposed no measure of redress for 
their wrongs, and he has offered co-operation 
in no such measure. For the cause of liberty, 
so fearfully imperiled by the wants in Kansas, 
he has uttered no word of cheer, or counsel, 
or hope. He has been as silent and as cold as 
the grave, upon a theme which has stirred the 
freemen of this country, as they have not been 
stirred since the days of the Revolution. He 
has eyes and ears for nothing but the Presi- 
dency, and that to be reached by the support 
of the South. He has no voice, and no heart, 
for the North which he has abandoned. 

And for what cause, and on what pretence, 
is the North to be persuaded to divide its 
strength at this crisis? For an issue and a 
question, which, in all its political aspects, 
has been abandoned by his friends upon the 
floor of this House. A session of Congress 
of nearly nine months is near its termination, 
and no friend of Mr. Fillmore here has moved 
any change in the Naturalization laws, a change 
in which is the only substantial object pro- 
posed by the American organization. The 
thirty Southern friends of Mr. Fillmore have 
been active enough and zealous enough, when- 
ever or wherever the interests of slavery have 
been concerned. Not one thought, or one mo- 
ment, have they given to this pretended issue of 
Americanism, with which they hope to divide 
thr North and secure to themselves the con- 



trol of this continent forever. Is it possible 
that the intelligence of the free States will be 
deceived by pretences so flimsy? 

"Who has forgotten the declaration made en 
this floor, during the contest for the Speaker- 
ship, by Hon. Humphrey Marshall, of Ken- 
tucky, the bold and frank leader of Mr. Fill- 
more's thirty Southern members of this House? 
" I will FIRST take care of the niggers, and then 
take care of the Irish and Dutch .'" This was 
the out-spoken declaration of Mr. Marshall. 
Slavery first, and Americanism afterwards; 
this is the motto and the practice of the South. 
Slavery swallows up everything else, and con- 
trols everything else. 

And who is running for the Vice-Presidency 
on the same ticket with Mr. Fillmore ! Mr. 
Donclson, of Tennessee, who, on the day of 
his nomination, "boasted of his '^e hundred 
negroes, as the proof and gu^tfantee of his 
fidelity to the " institutions " of the South I 
The ticket presented to us is not Fillmore 
alone, bad as that would be, but Fillmore and 
Donelson, "niggers" and all. 

The Augusta (Ga.) Chronicle, urging the 
claims of Mr. FUlmore upon the South, makes 
the following statement as to the sentiments 
which he expressed during the Southern tour 
of 1854: 

" Having made the tour of the South westenl 
Slave States, he announced on the steps of th* 
State House door in Montgomery, that ths 
anti-Slavery prejudices of his early education 
had been, obliterated by what he had seen in tht 
South of the happy condition of the slave.'''' 

Of the fact that Mr. FUlmgjjfe's original 
opinions or ^^anti-Slavery prefmuices'" have 
been thoroughly " obliterated " there can be na 
question, but the date and caitse of the oblite- 
ration are not correctly given in this extractl 
It was not the Southern tour of 1854, but the 
Washington intrigues of 1850, which did the 
work. It was not what Mr. Fillmore saw of 
" the happy condition of the slaves " at ttie 
South, but what he had seen of " the h/tpfy 
condition " of politicians at this seat of pow:er, 
attaining fortune and prosperity by subservien* 
cy to the interests of slavery. It was tiiis- 
spectacle of what has been, but may not al- 
ways continue, which ^^ obliterated''^ every 
single free principle of Mr. Fillmore's youtV 
and manhood- 



10 



LETTER FROM GEORGE LkW ON THE POLITICAL CRISIS. 



New Tobc, July 8, 185«. 

Dear Sir : I beg to acknowledge the receipt of 
Tour letter of the 26th ult. I have carefully re- 
sected upon itsj contents. In reply, I beg to state 
%o you that I de(!ply regret no more perfect union 
has been effected by those whose duty it was to 
have accomplished tliat object — to unite the whole 
elements of opposition to the present corrupt ad- 
ministration, wielded as it is by the extreme slave 
oligarchy of the South. For the last tliree years, 
this same oligarchy hits used the entire power and 
patronage of the General Government to crush 
out all independent action and honest representa- 
tion on the part of the North, to purchase up 
Northern men who were willing to misrepresent 
their constituents from personal motives, and for 
promises of favor from the present corrupt admin- 
istration. 

All good men who have the love of their coun- 
try at heart, both in the North and in the South, 
should unite cordially in a common effort to de- 
stroy the vLpcr that has coiled around the free- 
<Jom and independence of the American people. 
Freedom of speech is prohibited in the halls of 
Congress : bowie-knives and revolvers are worn 
•9 daily appendages at the Capitol as a means of 
assault and defence. The Senate declares itself 
not only powerless for punishment, but even pal- 
med for protection. Its members look quietly on 
and see a member stricken down in open day in 
the Senate chamber, without even the common 
effort of humanity that would be exercised in a 
t>ar-room to save a man prostrated, without an 
opportunity of defending himself Thus you see 
that those who represent their constituents 
honestly, and by unanswerable arguments, and 
-who cannot be purchased by Executive favor, 
must be awed into silence by bowie-knivc^ blud- 
geons, and revolvers. Such is the scheme of 
Government inaugurated under the Pierce dynasty, 
and fostered by the Southern sectional power that 
supports it. Upon this basis, and into the arms 
of this power, the nominee of the Cincinnati Con- 
Tcntion surrenders himself before the country, 
without the slightest reservation or individual in- 
dependence of his own. What has the country to 
•xpect if Mr. Buchanan succeeds? Nothing bet- 
ter than what it has experienced under Mr. Pierce, 
and perhaps something worse. One is an old man 
without independence of mind, or energy of cha- 
racter, which the country is forewarned of by his 
declaration, that he is no longer James Buchanan, 
and ha" lo views or opinions of his own, and is 
ihcreicf/'e the pliant instrument of the Slave 
power that nominated him at Cincinnati, and 
must reflect their views only. It will be well for' 
the American people to remember this when they 
cast their vote for chief magistrate in November 
oext. 

The other came into office, a man in the prime 
of life, wMhout any such submission or pledges, 
backed up by almost the unanimous voice of the 
country in his election, and yet he was not three 
weeks in office before ho surrende-ed himself to 



the same oligarchy that has wielded his power 
during his administration, as absolutely as if he 
had no will or mind of his own, and had no re- 
sponsiljility to any section of the Union except to 
the :^.50,000 slaveholders of the South, who now 
control the Executive, the Judiciary, and the 
Senate. The only voice the Free States have in 
the Federal Government is in the House of Repre- 
sentatives. 

Is it not fair to expect that if Mr. Buchanan 
should be elected, the evils that the country Lad 
experienced for the la.st three years will go on in- 
creasing daring his administration until the North- 
ern niind will submit no longer to be cheated, 
bullied, defied, and deprived of its just rights and 
fair representations in the Federal Govern 
ment. 

As one of the leading features of the coming 
administration, slavery is to be forced into Kan- 
sas. The rivers, the great highway of the nation 
through Missouri, a Slave State, are to be closed, 
as they are at present, to the freemen of the 
North who desire to emigrate to that territory. 
Those great thoroughfares which have heretofore 
been looked upon as the pride of the nation, and 
that steam has rendered so valuable for the tran- 
sportation of persons or property, must be closed 
to the freemffn of the North, or they must be sub- 
jected to examination, insult, loss of property, 
and turned back, unless they proclaim themselves 
in favor of the institution of slavery in this terri- 
tory. Such means as these are made use of to 
force slavery into Kansas. When free emigrants 
arrive there, after all these difficulties and delays 
have been surmounted, they must undergo an- 
other examination, and swear allegiance to the 
government of the slave power organized in Kan- 
sas by the Missouri mob, or be deprived of the 
right of franchise and of holding office. This is 
the operation of squatter sovereignty, which de- 
prives a man of his citizenship, unless he swears 
fidelity to slavery ; and all this is to be carried 
out and put in execution by an armed force, fur- 
nished from Missouri — the adjoining Slave State ; 
and the Federal Government, with Federal troops 
in the Territory, will look on calmly without in- 
terfering, so long as the Missouri mob succeeds 
to enforce slavery upon Kansas; but if tlie men 
from the Free States, who believe in free speech, 
free territory, free labor, free press, and free men, 
should be too numerous for the slave labor, then 
the Federal troops organized for this special pur- 
pose, under the command of a Southern favorite 
of a Southern secessionist Secretary of War, are 
to interfere and decide the conte.-^t in favor of 
Slavery in Kaiisa.?. So much for the chances of 
Northern princij)les and Northern men in Kansas, 
and all that vast territory North of 36° 30', so- 
cured to freedom by solemn compact, in which 
the great minds of the country united to Iniild up 
and preserve to freedom, and which the pigmies 
and traitors, aided by this corrupt administration, 
have attempted to pull down and destroy. Here 
is where Gen. Pierce stands, nnd hero is whor» 



11 



James Buchanan stands, while asking for the sup- 
port of the freemen of the Xorth. 

A few words about Mr. Fillmore. Let us ex- 
amine with what consistency we, as Americans, 
or Nortbtrz freemen, can support hira. What 
are his antecedents? When President of the 
United States, was lie not entirely subservient to 
the Slave Power? Did he resist the overtures of 
the Slave Obligarchy of the South, or did he be- 
come a wiUing in.strument in their hands? I ask 
you to look at his acts while President, and let 
them be the answers to these questions I will 
refer you to the Fugitive Slave Law, that makes 
the freemen of the North slave catchers — that re- 
fuses to them the right of trial by jury — that 
centres the right of freedom of the man in one 
judge, and pays him a double fee if he declares 
him a slave, and only half the fee if he finds hira 
a freeman. This is the power that the slave oli- 
garchy of the Soutli exercise at the North, where 
we have prohibited property in men to our own 
citizens ; and this act bears the signature of Mil- 
lard Fillmore as President of the United States. I 
ask you how he can expect the vote of the free 
North. Can you give him your vote? Can I give 
him mine ? Are these the views you and I enter- 
tain in relation to the rights and the duty of the 
people of the North or mankind ? Now, sir, upon 
this question alone, without going into all his 
other act*) of subserviency to the South and the 
slave power, let him stand for the suffrages of the 
freemen of the North. 

As to the Americanism of Mr. Fillmore, you 
and I have some knowledge of how much he has 
done to sustain that party. Has he ever been 
identified with it either in principle or in feeling ? 
If so, where are his acts — on what occasion here- 
tofore has he proclaimed it ? What assistance has 
he ever i-endered us in all our contests ? What 
were his antecedents to Americanism when Presi- 
dent of the United States ? Did he then protect 
American interests or American men ? I well 
recollect that he did not, and the country will 
recollect it too. 

When the Captain-General of Cuba issued his 
decree prohibiting the steamship Crescent City 
fro-m touching at Havana so long as Mr, Smilh, an 
American citizen, was aboard of her as Purser, 
because, as they alleged, the Herald and other 
papers in New York had published some informa- 
tion from Havana that was distasteful to the Cuban 
Government, and which they charged to have 
been furnished by Purser Smith, and, therefore, 
neither the Crescent City nor any other American 
ship should be allowed to touch at Havana having 
ilr. Smith on board, or any other person who 
would dare to furnish to the American press in- 
formation disagreeable to the Captain-General of 
Cuba — Mr. Fillmore was apprised of this order 
by the owners of the Crescent City, and he was 
desired to take some action in relation to it for 
protection of American property and American 
citizens ; he miserably skulked the responsibility 
of his position, and used his interest with the 
owners to have Mr. Smith dismissed as purser, 
and to be replaced by some one who was satisfac- 
tory to the Captain-General of C>iba. 

Thi.s the owners refused to do, and sent M". 



Smith back in toe ship. Mr. Fillmore ordered th« 
United States mails to be Uiken from the vessel, 
and notified the owners that if the ship was fired 
upon by the Cuban authorities, and damaged or 
destroyed, that they would have no claim upon 
this Government for remuneration. The com- 
mander of the Crescent City was removed by his 
order, he being an officer of the United States 
Navy, and under the President's control. Anothei 
commaiider was appointed by the owners. He, 
too, was removed by Mr. Fillmore's orders. The 
ship was fined j;i,000 for not carrying the United 
States mails, when the United States Government 
or Mr. Fillmore withheld them. The insurance 
offices in New- York were either frightened by the 
course of Mr. Fillmore, or influenced by him to 
withhold their insurance from property shipped by 
the steamer that Purser Smith was on board of, 
Tlie owners of the Crescent City had to insure the 
property of the shippers. The passengers on 
board of her were not allowed to bo landed in 
Cuba. Tlie owners persevered in what they con- 
sidered their proper rights, and the rights of an 
American citizen, and refused to dismiss Purser 
Smith, until the Captaia-General of Cuba was 
obliged to rescind the mandate against Purser 
Smith. This is the mode in which the rights of am 
American citizen had to be vindicated while Mr. 
Fillmore was President. Tliis is the same Mr. 
Fillmore that you recommend nie to support as an 
American. Now, sir, can you support him as an 
American ? Can the American Party support hira 
as an American? Is he the proper representative 
of the American people ? These are facts for the 
American people to look at before they vote. 
For my part, Mr, Fillmore would be the last maa 
I would support in the whole comitry as the stan- 
dard bearer of the great American Party. 

What has Mr. Fillmore ever done for this coun- 
try or the American Party ? Where are his acta 
that are to be remembered or treasured up in the 
hearts of the people ? What great interests has 
he ever advanced ? Or has he been a mere office- 
holder, without merit, except the merit of doing 
nothing ? 

You are aware of the manner in which he was 
forced upon the American party by the Slave OB- 
garchy at Philadelphia, when he apparently re- 
ceived the nomination of the Convention. 

In the letter to me you appear to lay great stress 
upon the course that the Republican party has 
seen fit to pursue, and that it has not met the 
American party half way in the great work of unit- 
ing the whole North against tlie corrupt policy of 
the present Administration and the power that 
controls the Cincinnati nominee. We will suppose 
that all this ia true in relation to the Republican 
party. I myself do not think the Republican Con- 
vcution acted as wisely as it might have done, 
when the object was harmony of action to accom- 
plish a great good for the whole country ; but is 
this any reason why I should be diverted from the 
great purpose I have at heart, which is to unite all 
parties that think as I do in relation to the cor 
rupt policy of the present Administration, and thf 
continuation of that policy if Mr. EuclianaB 
should be elected ? No man, or set of men, what 
ever theV conduct m.iy be, shall divert me for on 



12 



■tement from the course I have marked out in the 
eoming Presidential campaign. 

lintend to go for the man teho rnont nearly re- 
presents the American sentiment, and the senti- 
ment in relation to Slaveri/ of the freemen of the 
North, which declares that Slavery is sectional and 
that Freedom is national. At the same time I 
desire to have the best representative of the pro- 
gress of the age in which we live. I want a man 
who has done something for the great material in- 
terests of the country. I want to see his foot- 
prints, not promised, but already made in the di- 
rection that has led to the development of the 
resources of our country — who has enlarged the 
field upon which the labor and intelligence of our 
country is to be applied — one who has done some 
thing for American interests and American rights — 
one who has done something forthe area of freedom 
— something for material progress and benefit to 
his fellow men. I want no old poHtician, with 
his host of dependents as seedy as himself. 
Let us have a man in the prime of life, full of en- 
ergy, and yet sufficiently faniiKar with the vicissi- 
tudes of life to judge of men correctly — to appre- 
ciate the wants of the whole country — to avoid the 
intrigues and traps of politicians— to devote him- 
self honestly and fearlessly to the interests of the 
country — to apply the resources of the Govern- 
ment to the accomplishment of such improvements 
as are national in their character, and that will 
result in the greatest benefit to the whole country 
— one who has no old political friends to reward, 
and no old political enemies to punish — one who 
will feel that he is elevated by the people and not 
by intrigue. Now, Sir, of the candidates who are 
before the people for the exalted position of Chief 
Magistrate, I prefer Joh.v C. Fkemont. I prefer 
him because he is not an old hackneyed poli- 
tician, ana all sold out. He is in i\m prime of 
life — 43 years old. He has been brought into 
notice by the energy and exertion that he has 
evinced as a great explorer of the route to the 
Pacific Ocean. He first opened up the pathway 
through the wilderness that others followed to the 
golden fields of California, and gave the most ac- 
curate and extended view to the American people, 
of all that Tast region of country between the bor- 
ders of cirilization on the Atlantic slope and the 
Pacific Ocean. He took an active part and was 
fbremost in raising and sustaining the American 
flag in Calif#nia, He commenced first and went 
all through fie campaign with signal success, that 
ended in the acquisition of all that vast territory 
•od wealth — that opened up to American enter- 
prise and American energy such a field as has no 
parallel in history — which has advanced the coun- 
try at least 25 years at a single bound. It gave 
UB the facilities of increasing our commerce. It 
eoablcd us to extend largely our railways and 
other internal improvements, and thus has 
greatly increased our manufacturing and agri- 



cultural interests by enlarging the field of pro- 
duce and consumption. It has added hundreda 
of millions to the capital of the nation. By hia 
explorations he has opened up the most central 
and convenient railroad route to California. 
He aided in the organization of California as a 
State, and devoted her institutions to freedom, and 
she acknowledged h'er indebtedness to Fremont, by 
sending him as her first Senator to Congress. 
He protected American interests in California. 
He protected and advocated American interests 
in the Senate of the United States. His antece- 
dents are American. Ue rose by his own energv, 
his own industry, and his own merit. These are 
antecedents that will be appreciated by the Ame- 
rican people. They are not the promises of to- 
day of American principles under the expectation 
of the suffrages of the American party, but they 
are a history of his life from .^^is youth upward, 
when actuated by no other motives than a true 
American heart, thoroughly devoted to the inte- 
rests of his country. 

With this view of the subject, who are we to 
support? I have fairly canvassed the difl'erent 
candidates. So far as Americanism is concerned, 
we may as well support Mr. Buchanan as Mr. Fill- 
more. He has a fairer American record than Mr. 
Fillmore ; and, as for the promises of old poHti- 
cians, we all know what they are worth on the eve 
of an election. I do not mean to be cheated by 
them, nor do I wish to see the American people, 
by pretensions that have no value, but that are 
entirely worthless. 

In relation to the subject of the extension of 
Slavery, we may as well support Mr. Buchanan as 
Mr. Fillmore. Mr. Buchanan promises that he 
will be governed by the Southern slaveholders, 
and Mr. Fillmore we know has already been go- 
verned by them. 

As to advancing the interests of the country, 
we may as well support Mr. Buchanan, as Mr. 
Fillmore. Neither of them has ever advanced, by 
any act of his own, the great industrial interesta 
of the country. They have both been drones, 
living on office. The only difference that I see is, 
that Mr. Fillmore is about five years younger than 
Mr. Buchanan, and has that many chances less to 
die. 

You would laugh and ridicule the idea if I were 
to ask you to vote for Mr. Buchanan as a proper 
representative of the American party ; it seems 
to me equally ridiculous that you should ask me 
to vote for Mr. Fillmore as the American Can- 
didate. 

I shall give my support to John C. Fremont, as 
the best representative, in my estimation, of the 
American people and the American party. 

I am, with much respect, yours truly, 

GEORGE LAW. 

To O. ▲. Soaoooi, Ksq., Buffalo, N. T. 



18 



CHAUNCEl SHAFFEK, ESQ., RENOUNCING FILLMOEE. 



Saratoga Spkinos, August 14, 1856. 

W. Dunn, Esq. — My Dear Sir: 

I hare just received, by way of New- York 
city, your note of the 9th inst., enclosing the fol- 
lowing extract from the Ithaca Citizen, to wit : 

"Coming Back. — Chauncey Shaffer, who was 
one of the most prominent bolters from the Phila- 
delphia American Convention, and who has been 
stumping the river counties in this State at the 
Fremont meetings, has returned to the hearty 
support of Fillmore and Donelson. Mr. Shaffer 
is an eloquent speaker, and was District Attorney 
in New York city. He belongs to the Methodist 
church, and his recent conviction that Mr. Fre- 
mont is a Roman CathoUc, is the reason why he 
withdraws his su'/iport from the Republicans. He 
has candidly examined all the evidences for and 
against, which have appeared, and he looked closely 
into the statements of Fulmcr, and the opposition 
against them, and declares that'the evidence in fa- 
Tor of his being a Papist is conclusive, for which 
reason he cannot support him." 

You assure me that the above is producing an 
impression in your region, and desire me to inform 
you whether it is true or not. I answer that it is 
a sheer fabrication — a " Roorback." That no fur- 
ther mischief may occur from the circulation of 
that article, I will set the matter of my prefer- 
ence of candidates right at once. 

In the first place, I was not a prominent or 
other "bolter from the Philadelphia American 
Convention." I was not a delegate to that Con- 
vention. There were reasons why I should not 
be a delegate. I had too much to do with undo- 
ing the work of a previous Council in Philadelphia 
assembled ; too much to do against the dare pro- 
pagandists at Binghamton last August, and was 
too little incHned to see Americanism sold out, 
to be considered a safe man to go to Philadel- 
phia. 

I staid at home against my will, I admit. More- 
over, that Convention was not an " American 
Convention." 

As far as the North was concerned, it was a 
Silver Grey Whig Convention ; as far as the South 
was concerned, it was a Convention for the pro- 
pagation of human slavery, and the result was the 
nomination of two men, one of whom glories in 
being the owner of a hundred slaves, and the 
other (Mr. Filhnore), in being a most subservient 
instrument of the slave power, as is manifestly 
proved by his course while acting as President of 
the United States ; also, by his speeches made 
during his southern tour, in pursuit of a re-nomin- 
ation, as well as by his nullification speeches at 
Albany and elsewhere, on his return from his visit 
to the Pope. 

Hence the leading Silver Grey newspapers of 
ihe North (including the New York Express), 
claim Mr. Fillmore as the regular Whig nominee 
for the Pre.«idcncy, while the South claim him as 
the champion of Southern rights (meaning the ex- 



tension of human slavery by the action of ..2« 
General Government), while Mr. Fillmore, to .jus- 
tify the claims of the South, in effect says, " Elect 
me, or the South, that loves me so well, shall not 
remain in the Union." 

As an American, I am not bound by the action 
of that Convention ; rather let me say, I cannot 
submit to be bound by its action, any more than 
can my brethren of Massachusetts or Connecticut, 
and of every New England State. The American 
party of Massachusetts, in solemn council assem- 
bled, has declared for Mr. Fremont, and nominut- 
ed electors favorable to his election : and so has 
the State of Connecticut, and so will all New 
England do (for New England has a history), and 
so will the American party of this State act, ex- 
cepting always a portion of the Silver Grey por- 
tion of that party. The latter portion will stand 
by Mr. Fillmore, notwithstanding he "has adopted 
the leading principles of that platform," the 
seventh section of which commits the American 
party to Slavery extension under the guise of 
squatter sovereignty ; because this " portion of a 
portion " came into the order with the design of 
retrieving the fallen fortunes of Mr. Fillmore, as 
is proved by the attempted ostracism of the lib- 
eral-minded men of the order, and by the threats 
preceding and accompanying the Philadelphia 
Convention, that in the event of George Law's 
receiving the nomination for the Presidency, they 
with the Whig party proper, would nominate an 
out-and-out American Whig (meaning Mr. Fil^ 
more, I presume), and also by letters now in ex- 
istence, and which, I hope, will yet be pub- 
hshed. 

I have not " returned to the hearty suppor t of 
Fillmore and Donelson," nor will I do any act or 
thing tending to sanction the outrages of pro- 
slavery, nullification border ruffians, who, in ad- 
dition'to their outrages in Missouri and Kansas, 
of themselves sufficient to turn the cheek of dark- 
ness pale, have from 1852 until now, wrested the 
high powers of the nation from their legitimate 
purpose, to the strengthening of the slave oli- 
garchy. 

There arc other objections to my supporting Mr. 
Fillmore, founded upon the fact stated by the 
Citizen, that I belong to the Methodist Church. 

The church owes slavery no particular good 
will ; for slavery has rent that church in twain ; 
has imprisoned women for teaching slaves to read 
the Bible, and has sought in every way to destroy 
that church, as being the opponent of slavery 
most to be feared. Let facts speak. Last winter 
a minister of the Methodist Church, in Missouri, 
was arrested while in the pulpit by a gang of men 
(who, if they live, will probably vote for Mr. Fill- 
more), who wantonly and falsely charged him with 
horse-stealing, and without allowing him time to 
put on his overcoat, mounted him on a horse, 
drove him some seventeen miles, (the weather 
being intensely cold,) threw him into a cheerless 
room, without fire, and there left him to die, and 
there he died. 



14 



5fy informant is a bishop of llie Methodist 
Church, and spoke of his own l;uowledp;e. 

Another instance : The Rev. Mr. Wiley, and 
about 30 other ministers of tlie Methodist Church, 
have been assaulted in their cliurches, and driven 
from phicc to place like wild beasts of prey, their 
Eves being every day in imminent peril. 

Another instance: In Kansas, a Methodist min- 
ialer was whipped, tarred, and feathered, tied to 
ft log, and set afloat on the Missouri river. 

Another instance : Very recently, a Methodist 
minister in Missouri, while preaching was dragged 
from his pulpit and tarred and featliered ; while an 
old Methodist layman for the crime of expostulation 
against such conduct, was shot ; and it is a notor- 
ious fact, and one which will not admit of contro- 
versy, that a minister of my church cannot preach 
the gospel in the State of Missouri, or the Terri- 
tory of Kansas, but at the peril of his life ! And 
yet I find no reproof of these outrages either in 
the Philadelphia platform, or in any of the speeches 
of Mr. Fillmore. 

As to my having examined " all the evidence "' 
in relation to Mr. Fremont's religious creed, I 
have to say that I have examined ail the evidence 
including Alderman Fulmer's statement, and have 
exhausted the means of information within my 
reach, and have arrived at the following conclu- 
sions: 

1st. That Mr. Fremont's father was a French 
Huguenot, and his mother an American Protest- 
ant lady. 

2d. That Col. Fremont was born a Protestant, 
and baptized a Protestant, married a Protestant 
lady, has had his children baptized by a Protest- 
ant clergyman, educates them in the Protestant 
faith, while he is a Protestant in practice in all 
the relations of life. 

I admit that he was married by a Catholic 
clergynuvn, under circum.'^tances peculiar to him- 
self, and with which tlie public is already 
acquainted. 

3d. I conclude that Alderman Fulmer's state- 
ment is altogether untrue. Col. Fremont was 
not in Washington at the time Fulmer says he 
conversed with him, nor within several months of 
that time, lie was on the Pacific Ocean, or the 
Isthmus of Darien, or on the steamer George 
I.nw from Aspinwall to New York city, at the time 
fixed by Fulmer. 

I should add that upon Col. Fremont's arrival in 
New-York city, he sailed to Europe without visit- 
ing Washington at all, and that he remained in 
Eirope more than a year. 



I should further add, that the conviction \a mj 
mind that Alderman Fulmer has borae fulse wit- 
ness against his neighbor, is strengthened by the 
contradictory statements that I am credibly in- 
formed he has made concerning this p'-ctended 
conversation, and by the further facts that 
amongst his immediate neighbors his statement is 
not believed. 

But if I should refuse to vote for Mr. Fremont, 
because of his being a Roman Catholic, I could 
not vote for Mr. Fillmore ; and for the reason that 
the Convention which nominated Mr. Filhnore was 
controlled by Roman Catholics as well aa by 
slavery propagandists. This is the proof: 

Two sets of delegates, appeared from the State 
of Louisiana, one Protestant, and tho other 
Roman Catholic, both demanding admission. The 
Roman Catholic delegation was received, and the 
Protestant delegation was rejected. The reason, 
I understand, assigned for this singular admission 
and rejection was, that the Roman Cathoiic dele- 
gation did not acknowledge the temporal .suprem- 
acy of the Pope — but did the Protestant dele- 
gation acknowledge the temporal supremacy of 
the Pope ? 

There are other objections to my supporting 
Mr. Fillmore, and as an American, and a man who 
at the commencement of his political life rCMohitely 
set his face against the further aggressions of the 
slave power, I cannot be induced by an> ;necial 
pleading or by any "Roorbacks" that iviy be 
hatched in the hotbed of political zeal, to . te for 
any other man for President than Col. Fj nont, 
inasmuch as I see no other way of putting <j i cud 
to the terrible aggressions of the slave por ■•. 

I believe upon the election or defeat o Ool. 
Fremont, will depend the questions, wheti i or 
not the black column of slavery will be pusi. d to 
the Pacific ocean ; whether or not the A' icMJ 
slave trade, the sum of all wickedness, wi^l be 
revived ; and whether or not practical sl« -ei 
shall be Jbrced upon the Free States under th, 
cisions of Federal judges, appointed as Mr. "^•' 
more sought to appoint and did appoint somd'jj 
his judges ; and in short, whether this coun>. 
shall have a constitutional government for '. 
slave oligarchy ; whether or not we shall recoi 
our lost national honor, and go on in peace, 
progress to the cHmax of hunan greatnea, 
whether we shall be destroyed by Ihe aggres3i\ 
system of the slave power. 
Very truly yours, 

CUAUNCEY 1HAFFER. 



15 



THE SOUTH AMEBIC AIs^S ON BORDER-RrFFIANISM. 

Freedom of Speech Infamous. 



Thk Fillmore Americans held a State Conven- 
tion at Syracuse on the 26th of August, which 
lasted two days. At this Convention, Euch dele- 
gates as were supposed to favor freedom in the 
Territories were excluded by the arbitrary dictum 
of the President of the Council. Nevertheless, a 
few delegates or Deputies, as they call them, es- 
caped the vigilance of the President, and passed 
into the Hall. Among these was Luther Cald- 
well, Esq., of Rockland County, who offered the 
following resolutions : 

Resolved, That the attempts made in Congr°,ss dur- 
ing its late session, and particularly in the United 
States Senate, to suppress freedom of speech, as 
manifested in the brutal, clandestine and cowardly 
attack of Brooks upon Senator Sumner, deserve and 
Bhould receive the execration of the people of the 
United States, and that all those, irrespective of 
party, who, by their votoa '"n Congress or otherwise, 
^ . . ^ ■-.v..>c'' P- ;oii.s in his infamous conduct, are 
justly obnoxious to the same reprobation, 

Resolved, That the well-nigh fatal assault upon 
Freedom, in the outrages perpetrated in Kansas un- 
der the protection of the present National Adminis- 
tration, and the failure of Congress effectually to in- 
terpose and prevent those enormous aggressions 
upon the sovereignty of the actual inhabitants of 
that Territory, merit the unqualified condemnation 
of all lovers of republican liberty, and that no true 
American should be indifferent to the same, or fail, 
by word and act, in all fitting ways, to vindicate the 
oppressed against their oppression and oppressors. 

Resolved, That the provisions of the Kunsas-Ne- 

braska act for the government of the Territories are 

'allacious in theory ; and that this Convention deem 

*. he duty of the American party in this State an 

ion boldly to assert and firmly maintain the doc- 

iC of our fathers, that the government of the "er- 

)rie9 is vested in, and should be exerci&ed by, 

agress. 

Reserved, That this Council denounces the repeal 

the Missouri Compromise as destructive to the re- 

sc, harmony and fraternal relations of the country; 
'" d that the Territory which was covered by it must, 
► .d shall be preserved to Freedom, so that Slavery 

ay not exist therein, nor Slave States, formed 
. lerefrom, be admitted into this Union. 

This effort of Mr. Caldwell to bring the party 
p to the adoption of something like the Bing- 
hamton Platform, on which, a year before, they 
had gone before the people and succeeded in 
the election, utterly failed, when he and a few 
others, who sympathized with him, left the Con- 
vention and went over to the other American 
Convention, then in session at CoUipean Hall, in 
the same city, where they were warmly received. 
Mr. Caldwell was invited to the stand, and related 
his experience among the South American con- 
epirators against liberty, as follows : 

These resolutions, Mr. C. said, he offered in that 



body, with the statement that he believed th* 
American party in the State of New York to b« 
Anti-Nebraska in sentiment, and that he wished 
to place it upon record that such is its position ; 
that, in his view, the adoption of his resolutions 
would promote the success of the American ticket 
in the North — particularly in the States of New 
York, Massachusetts and Pennsylvania — while at 
present the party is daily losing ground in those 
States from the position in which it is placed be- 
fore the people on the subject of slavery ; that 
with these and such like arguments he urged 
their adoption ; that the Council was thereby 
thrown into the wildest state of excitement; 
that scores of members flocked around him and 
besought him to withdraw the resolutions — 
some urging that if adopted, the South would b© 
driven from the support of Fillmore, and for this 
reason, that however truly they embodied the 
views of the party in New York, it would not do 
to set them forth. Moreover, that their adoption 
would repel from them the Administration-Nebras- 
ka voters, whom they were expecting would sup- 
port Fillmore in the State of New York ; and 
more seriously still, that their rejection, should 
they be offered, would drive from the support of 
Fillmore thousands of Anti-Nebraska voters, now 
acting with the party in this State ; that by such 
considerations they had sought to influence him, 
but failing, President Sammons summarily ended 
the difiiculty by declaring the resolutions out of 
order ; that he thereupon appealed from that de- 
cision, but President Sammons was sustained by 
the Council, which thus rejected the resolutioni ; 
that he then returned to President Sammons hi« 
commission as Deputy for Rockland County, with- 
drew from all connection with that organizatien, 
and retired. 

The statement of Mr. Caldwell was listened to 
with the profoundest interest, and a touching and 
eloquent address made by him, upon the princi- 
ples of the North Americans, and expressive of hia 
sympathy with and determination henceforward 
actively to support them, was greeted with rounda 
of applause. 

The resolutions of Mr. Caldwell were immedi- 
ately adopted by the North Americans unani- 
mously, together with the following : 

Resolved, That the State Council now in session ia 
this city is repudiated by this body : that its uncon- 
stitutional and illegal action has freed Americana 
from all obligation of allegiance to it or its decrees, 
and that this body is the true American organization 
of the State of New York. 

Resolved, That the nominations of Fillmore and 
Donelson be and the same are hereby repudiated b/ 
this body. 

Resolved, That John Charles Fremont, the nomhie* 
for the Presidency of the American National Con- 
vention, held in the City of New York, June IX, 
standing upon the positions of the Binghamtoa 
platform, as the opponent of the present NatiouaJ 



16 



Administration, and as opposed to Slavery exten- i 
•ion, be and he is hereby adopted as the candidate 
•f true Americana of the State of New York. I 

Resolved, That the State Committee bt recom- 
mended to call a State Nominating Convention, to 
consist of two Delegates from eacn Assembly Dis- 
trict, to meet in the city of Syracuse, Sept. 17, at 
12 o'clock noon. 

Subsequently, the Piermont Council, of which 
Mr. Caldwell was a member, expelled that gentle- 
man, and branded him infamout as follows : 

Whereas, At a Convention of the American p' .y, 
held at Syracuse, in this State, on the 24th 'ay of 
August last, Luther Caldwell, Deputy for P .ckland 
County, did present, without the authonV. of this 
party, and in direct and willful violation 5f its prin- 
tiples, a series of resolutions oppose^' o its Presi- 
dential nominees and the platform which they 

Resolved, That Luther Caldwell, by his tre-^chery 
to his party, has rendered him? S wholly nuv^orthy 
of confidence as a politician, a- i respect as a citizen: 
and has shown himself to be - man utterly devoid of 
integrity and manly principle. 



Resolved, That thiS council unequivocally approve 
the action and endorses the proceedings of the lat 
State Council ai Syracuse, in rejecting all mattei 
foreign to thr issue ot the American party. 

Resolved, That this Council (the members bein, 
largely in ttendance,) does hereby heartily expel th 
said Lut'.er Caldwell from the said Council, and thu 
justly /rands him wiih infamy, and that we hoi 
him ' ^ contempt as a traitor to hi* party and hi 
cov iry. 

In estimating the extent of Mr. Caldwell's In 
famy and Treason, we beg the reader to refer t 
the resolutions which he offered, and on whicl 
these grave charges are founded. It will there b 
seen that in the estimation of Mr. Fillmore's part; 
the defence of freedom of Speech is infamous, an' 
that opposition to Slavery Extension and condcm 
nation of RuflBanism, either in the U. S. Senate or ii 
Kansas, are held to be traitorous. In this view o: 
the case we should not be surprised at seeing .■ 
very large crop of Traitors in this State nex 
November. 



REPUBLICM DOCUMENTS NOW READY, 



LIFE OF COLONEL FREMONT. 
An original and authentic Biography of the 
People's Candidate for President, prepared ex- 
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Price per doeen, $ 40 

Price per hundred, . . . • % ^ 
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A German Edition of the above it no* ready, 
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THE EEPORT OF THE KANSAS INVESTIGAl 
ING COMMITTEE; 

Submitted on Tuesday, the Ist Inst., by the Hon. Messr 
Howard of Mich, and Sherman of Ohio, with 2,500 pages < 
evidence, the fruit of three months' faithful labor in Kansa 
Price per single copy, . . . $ 04 

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HON. CHARLES SUMNER'S SPEECH m the 

Senate, on Kansas AfiTairi — S2 pages. 

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JAMES BUCHANAN, HIS DOCTRINES AS 
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TRACT FOR AMERICANS-Kmbracing the Bpe« 
of Hon. E. B. MOBOAB, in reference to Millard PlUmor 
Political History and Position; also George Law a 
Chauncey Shaffer's reasons for repudiating Fillmor. • 
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Assault on Senator Sumner, *c. 16 octavo page^ sa 
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GREELEY 4 McELEATH, 

TBiBrxH Okkick, Nkw Yobs. 



LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 



011 898 308 7 



